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months after assumption of office: APC still stammering on Boko Haram, Chibok
girls
BusinessDay|Zebulon Agomuo, Odinaka Anudu, NATHANIEL AKHIGBE &
ELEMOSHO OYINLOLA
Nigerians have expressed surprise and utter disappointment that four months
after the inauguration of the All Progressives Congress (APC)-led government,
Boko Haram insurgency has remained a big issue in the country.
They also expressed dismay at the inability of the party and its government to rescue the abducted Chibok girls from the Boko Haram captivity despite the party’s posturing before the general election.
It would be recalled that the APC was virulent in its verbal attack on the immediate past government, accusing it of exhibiting a lackadaisical attitude toward the girls’ release.
Some analysts said they were surprise that for four months running, the broom party has yet to free the girls from the Islamist sect’s captivity, and that recent comments credited to President Muhammadu Buhari appeared to suggest that “we are going back to square one.”
Buhari, in his trip to France, said he would negotiate with Boko Haram members for the release of Chibok girls.
“We are trying to see whether we can negotiate with the Boko Haram prisoners in our custody for the release of the Chibok girls,” Buhari said in France.
“If the Boko Haram leadership eventually agrees to turn over the Chibok girls to us, the complete number, then we may decide to give them (the prisoners) amnesty,” the president added.
However, Samuel Azih, a biochemist, said this sounds like hypocrisy.
“This was a president from a party that criticised Jonathan for negotiation. Why should anyone think of rewarding people who have killed over 15,000 innocent people,” Azih said.
“Since Buhari became president, figures say over 2000 people have been murdered by these insurgents. Armed robbery has remained on the rise. The only change is that there is a promise to destroy them, which is still not different from promises we have got on the economy,” he said.
Premium Times quoted Buharimeter, a platform monitoring the implementation of the electoral promises of President Muhammadu Buhari, as saying that about 800 Nigerians were murdered by the extremist Boko Haram sect within the first 100 days of Mr. Buhari’s presidency.
July calculation by the AFP in early July put the number of people who died between May 30 and the period at 650.
President Buhari had during an in interview with BBC Hausa service last week said the abducted Chibok girls had been scattered by the terrorists and were being guarded at dispersed locations, raising hope that the girls are still alive.
“Most of the girls are Christians and were forced to embrace Islam. And the sect’s cruel leaders have married some of the girls, obviously against their wish. Others have been left to practise their religion but their condition could hardly be ascertained. Both ground and air security personnel in the Sambisa forest could spot where the girls are, but since the insurgents have also kidnapped housewives and other women, no one could say whether they mixed them or how they dispersed them,” the President said in the interview.
Despite the fact that the quick release of the Chibok girls formed part of the campaign promises of the APC, the girls are yet to rejoin their families.
Parents of the Chibok schools girls in Borno State have frowned at what they described as ‘failure’ by the authorities to find the girls despite current efforts to put the insurgents to rout.
Some of the parents, who spoke with BD SUNDAY, lamented the deteriorating condition of some of them, particularly the aging, a development, they said was orchestrated by fear and dwindling hope that the girls may never be found having waited almost indefinitely on promises made by previous and current administrations that the girls would be brought back to the families.
The Nigerian Army had said in statement penultimate week that troops involved in the counter-insurgency operation code-named; “Operation Lafiya Dole’’ had made steady progress towards clearing all Boko Haram enclaves in and around Sambisa forest, where the girls are widely believed to be held.
Enoch Mark, whose two daughters are among the captives, said the over prolonged endurance and fading hope that the girls will someday return home had become more torturing particularly now that the soldiers claimed to have entered the Sambisa forest and reportedly set some women and children free.
Ali Yaga, a cousin to one of the abducted girls, said his aunt experienced a seizure of breath last week and consequently collapsed and had to be rushed to Maiduguri for medical attention since the local nurses who fled when the Boko Harm attack became too frequent were yet to return home.
“It is not just my Auntie. All the parents are seriously going through one form of trauma or the other. The fear now is that whether the girls would still be found as promised by the government. Also surprising to the parents is the fact that some sincere Nigerians who were pressuring the government to do something urgent to release the girls are getting tired. The
‘Bring Back Our Girls’ campaign is no longer regular as it was under Jonathan. We are appealing to them not to give up the campaign until the girls are found,” he said.
But Ibrahim Yohana, told BD SUNDAY that although, businesses have been shutdown in Chibok due to the fear of insecurity, the Internally Displaced People (IDP) in the community are gradually returning following the deployment of troops.
He said: “There is nothing that is going on now in chibok; there is no police station, no school; everything has been shutdown; even the market has been closed. If you want to buy something, you will have to go far away from the village to get what you want to buy. But we are much secured because we have at least one thousand soldiers that patrol Chibok on daily basis; is just that things are very hard for us here. We are appealing to the Nigerian government and the international community to come to our aid. Our livelihood has been badly affected by the activities of the insurgents”.
Historical background of insecurity
It may be argued that heightened insecurity ranks prominently among Nigeria’s multifarious problems. Since the amalgamation of Northern and Southern protectorates in 1914, insecurity has remained the bane of Nigeria’s sociognomy.
From the skirmishes in the 1920s, which culminated into Aba Women Riot in 1927, down to crises in various pre-Independence political parties, insecurity has continued to soar. The political party crises of 1960s, accentuated and punctuated by ethnic and religious killings, characterised Independent Nigeria. Internal political wrangling and show of supremacy, perceived unfair treatment by some sections of the country as well as secession heightened the country’s insecurity in the 1960s.
Coups and counter-coups, often characterised by bloodshed, kept the country in intermittent suspense. The annulment of June 12, 1993, election also created confusion in the country and led to bloodshed, especially in the Western part of the country. The dictatorship of Sani Abacha, which culminated in hanging of the ‘Ogoni Nine’ and the imprisonment of many civil rights and democracy giants, created tension in the country.
The demise of the Abiolas also put the country on the precipice.
The democratic dispensation of Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan saw some high level of insecurity, ranging from ethnic clashes to agitations by disgruntled elements to have their way.
While Obasanjo’s government was characterised by ethnic killings, heightened armed robbery and political assassinations, Yar’Adua’s administration saw inchoate signs of insurgency.
In a telephone interview, Frank Umeh, president, Nigeria Voters Forum, told BD SUNDAY that Yar’Adua did a lot to quench insurgency, adding that the problem might not have been on this large scale had the Kastina-born taciturn remained on the seat of power.
The government of Goodluck Jonathan witnessed a meteoric rise in the spate of insecurity. The Boko Haram group killed and maimed men, women and children with impunity. The government was accused of immaturity in handling the situation as well as inability to have a coherent security team.
For example, at some points in the heat of insurgency, some key security officers were not on talking terms but Jonathan refused to act, close sources to Aso Villa told BD SUNDAY. The source further said there was a time when only three armoured vehicles, which were not working optimally, were stationed in Borno to fight well-armed, numberless insurgents. This, in many occasions, dampened the morale of soldiers as many of them went absent without official leave (AWOL).
However, the government made significant efforts through General Azubuike Ihejirika, who put a lot of pressure on the insurgents.
Jonathan also decimated the religious extremists after the suspension of elections.
But Muhammadu Buhari and his All Progressives Party faulted a number of moves made by Jonathan, ranging from negotiations with the insurgents to the climax which is the kidnap of Chibok girls.
They also expressed dismay at the inability of the party and its government to rescue the abducted Chibok girls from the Boko Haram captivity despite the party’s posturing before the general election.
It would be recalled that the APC was virulent in its verbal attack on the immediate past government, accusing it of exhibiting a lackadaisical attitude toward the girls’ release.
Some analysts said they were surprise that for four months running, the broom party has yet to free the girls from the Islamist sect’s captivity, and that recent comments credited to President Muhammadu Buhari appeared to suggest that “we are going back to square one.”
Buhari, in his trip to France, said he would negotiate with Boko Haram members for the release of Chibok girls.
“We are trying to see whether we can negotiate with the Boko Haram prisoners in our custody for the release of the Chibok girls,” Buhari said in France.
“If the Boko Haram leadership eventually agrees to turn over the Chibok girls to us, the complete number, then we may decide to give them (the prisoners) amnesty,” the president added.
However, Samuel Azih, a biochemist, said this sounds like hypocrisy.
“This was a president from a party that criticised Jonathan for negotiation. Why should anyone think of rewarding people who have killed over 15,000 innocent people,” Azih said.
“Since Buhari became president, figures say over 2000 people have been murdered by these insurgents. Armed robbery has remained on the rise. The only change is that there is a promise to destroy them, which is still not different from promises we have got on the economy,” he said.
Premium Times quoted Buharimeter, a platform monitoring the implementation of the electoral promises of President Muhammadu Buhari, as saying that about 800 Nigerians were murdered by the extremist Boko Haram sect within the first 100 days of Mr. Buhari’s presidency.
July calculation by the AFP in early July put the number of people who died between May 30 and the period at 650.
President Buhari had during an in interview with BBC Hausa service last week said the abducted Chibok girls had been scattered by the terrorists and were being guarded at dispersed locations, raising hope that the girls are still alive.
“Most of the girls are Christians and were forced to embrace Islam. And the sect’s cruel leaders have married some of the girls, obviously against their wish. Others have been left to practise their religion but their condition could hardly be ascertained. Both ground and air security personnel in the Sambisa forest could spot where the girls are, but since the insurgents have also kidnapped housewives and other women, no one could say whether they mixed them or how they dispersed them,” the President said in the interview.
Despite the fact that the quick release of the Chibok girls formed part of the campaign promises of the APC, the girls are yet to rejoin their families.
Parents of the Chibok schools girls in Borno State have frowned at what they described as ‘failure’ by the authorities to find the girls despite current efforts to put the insurgents to rout.
Some of the parents, who spoke with BD SUNDAY, lamented the deteriorating condition of some of them, particularly the aging, a development, they said was orchestrated by fear and dwindling hope that the girls may never be found having waited almost indefinitely on promises made by previous and current administrations that the girls would be brought back to the families.
The Nigerian Army had said in statement penultimate week that troops involved in the counter-insurgency operation code-named; “Operation Lafiya Dole’’ had made steady progress towards clearing all Boko Haram enclaves in and around Sambisa forest, where the girls are widely believed to be held.
Enoch Mark, whose two daughters are among the captives, said the over prolonged endurance and fading hope that the girls will someday return home had become more torturing particularly now that the soldiers claimed to have entered the Sambisa forest and reportedly set some women and children free.
Ali Yaga, a cousin to one of the abducted girls, said his aunt experienced a seizure of breath last week and consequently collapsed and had to be rushed to Maiduguri for medical attention since the local nurses who fled when the Boko Harm attack became too frequent were yet to return home.
“It is not just my Auntie. All the parents are seriously going through one form of trauma or the other. The fear now is that whether the girls would still be found as promised by the government. Also surprising to the parents is the fact that some sincere Nigerians who were pressuring the government to do something urgent to release the girls are getting tired. The
‘Bring Back Our Girls’ campaign is no longer regular as it was under Jonathan. We are appealing to them not to give up the campaign until the girls are found,” he said.
But Ibrahim Yohana, told BD SUNDAY that although, businesses have been shutdown in Chibok due to the fear of insecurity, the Internally Displaced People (IDP) in the community are gradually returning following the deployment of troops.
He said: “There is nothing that is going on now in chibok; there is no police station, no school; everything has been shutdown; even the market has been closed. If you want to buy something, you will have to go far away from the village to get what you want to buy. But we are much secured because we have at least one thousand soldiers that patrol Chibok on daily basis; is just that things are very hard for us here. We are appealing to the Nigerian government and the international community to come to our aid. Our livelihood has been badly affected by the activities of the insurgents”.
Historical background of insecurity
It may be argued that heightened insecurity ranks prominently among Nigeria’s multifarious problems. Since the amalgamation of Northern and Southern protectorates in 1914, insecurity has remained the bane of Nigeria’s sociognomy.
From the skirmishes in the 1920s, which culminated into Aba Women Riot in 1927, down to crises in various pre-Independence political parties, insecurity has continued to soar. The political party crises of 1960s, accentuated and punctuated by ethnic and religious killings, characterised Independent Nigeria. Internal political wrangling and show of supremacy, perceived unfair treatment by some sections of the country as well as secession heightened the country’s insecurity in the 1960s.
Coups and counter-coups, often characterised by bloodshed, kept the country in intermittent suspense. The annulment of June 12, 1993, election also created confusion in the country and led to bloodshed, especially in the Western part of the country. The dictatorship of Sani Abacha, which culminated in hanging of the ‘Ogoni Nine’ and the imprisonment of many civil rights and democracy giants, created tension in the country.
The demise of the Abiolas also put the country on the precipice.
The democratic dispensation of Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua and Goodluck Jonathan saw some high level of insecurity, ranging from ethnic clashes to agitations by disgruntled elements to have their way.
While Obasanjo’s government was characterised by ethnic killings, heightened armed robbery and political assassinations, Yar’Adua’s administration saw inchoate signs of insurgency.
In a telephone interview, Frank Umeh, president, Nigeria Voters Forum, told BD SUNDAY that Yar’Adua did a lot to quench insurgency, adding that the problem might not have been on this large scale had the Kastina-born taciturn remained on the seat of power.
The government of Goodluck Jonathan witnessed a meteoric rise in the spate of insecurity. The Boko Haram group killed and maimed men, women and children with impunity. The government was accused of immaturity in handling the situation as well as inability to have a coherent security team.
For example, at some points in the heat of insurgency, some key security officers were not on talking terms but Jonathan refused to act, close sources to Aso Villa told BD SUNDAY. The source further said there was a time when only three armoured vehicles, which were not working optimally, were stationed in Borno to fight well-armed, numberless insurgents. This, in many occasions, dampened the morale of soldiers as many of them went absent without official leave (AWOL).
However, the government made significant efforts through General Azubuike Ihejirika, who put a lot of pressure on the insurgents.
Jonathan also decimated the religious extremists after the suspension of elections.
But Muhammadu Buhari and his All Progressives Party faulted a number of moves made by Jonathan, ranging from negotiations with the insurgents to the climax which is the kidnap of Chibok girls.
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